The Prayas ePathshala

Exams आसान है !

24 September 2024 – The Indian Express

Facebook
LinkedIn
WhatsApp

Why is there a surge in Internal Migration in India

Migration:

  • Any person who moves or has moved across an international boundary or within a state that is different from their regular place of residence is considered a migrant, according to the International Organisation for Migration.
  • Effective policies, programmes, and operational responses on the ground might result from examining the changes in migration’s scale, direction, demographics, and frequency.
  • A larger proportion of women, particularly those in the workforce, make up the migratory population.

Elements That Affect Migration:

  • These movements may be forced or voluntarily as a result of escalating natural calamities, difficult economic times, extreme poverty, or unstable political environments.
  • The COVID-19 pandemic is a primary reason of migration as well.

Factors that Push and Pull Migration:

  • Push factors are those that force someone to migrate to another location from their place of origin (out-migration), such as lack of growth in a particular area or social or economic causes.
  • Pull factors are those that draw people to a place (destination), such as employment possibilities, better living conditions, the availability of basic or superior amenities, etc.

PLFS, or the Periodic Labour Force Survey:

  • The Ministry of Statistics and Programme Implementation (MoSPI) has commissioned the NSO to conduct a survey in order to gauge India’s employment and unemployment rates.
  • In April 2017, the NSO introduced the PLFS.

Problems with nationwide polls:

  • While national surveys like the PLFS collect data on female migrants, they frequently present an incomplete picture.
  • Only the respondents’ principal reason for migrating is asked in surveys.

According to PLFS data, the main cause of migration among women is:

  • union (81%)
  • family members moving (10%)
  • employment (2.42%).
  • migration in search of educational possibilities (0.48%).
  • Food insecurity and climate shocks are examples of secondary motives or motivations that are not taken into account.
  • This may play a significant role in women’s migration.
  • About three quarters of migrant women are unemployed, according to the PLFS.
  • Approximately 14% of migrant women work for themselves or as wage earners.
  • About 12% work as casual labourers.
  • The COVID-19 pandemic was in effect during this data gathering session, which could account for the low numbers.
  • The issue of people underreporting their work status is not sufficiently highlighted.
  • Anecdotal data and scientific findings from different studies indicate that migrant women frequently work in casual jobs.

It shows that the number of migrant women working in the different fields that could be classified as causal (or even informal) is underestimated. Examples of these industries include:

  • farming
  • building
  • household assistance.
  • Migrant women’s employment is underreported due to definitional problems and personal beliefs of the women.
  • The definition of employment used by national surveys states that people are only included in the labour force if they have a written or verbal contract with their employer.
  • Women are therefore categorised as unemployed in big numbers.
  • Women are frequently employed as self-employed individuals, as household entrepreneurs, or as unpaid family labour.
  • However, rather than seeing that as a job, they can see it as an extension of their domestic devotion.
  • They end up underreporting their work status as a result.

Obstacles encountered by women migrants:

  • the requirement for greater social and human capital.
  • 85% of the women in the PLFS statistics have fewer than ten years of schooling, which could be problematic.
  • While the educational attainment of migrant and non-migrant women does not significantly differ,
  • Compared to non-migrant women, migrant women are employed at a lower rate.
  • When combined with the absence of social networks, particularly after migration, these elements may seriously impair their prospects of finding work.
  • Yale University study: Following the lockdown brought on by COVID-19
  • Of the women, 55% never went back to their jobs.
  • Only 56% of those who did so made as much money as they did prior to the outbreak.
  • Between 2001 and 2011, there was a 101% rise in female migration seeking labour and jobs.
  • Nonetheless, they continue to face major obstacles and marginalisation and are mainly invisible.
  • Unresolved issues and a dearth of focused policies: Women migrants are not a significant political constituency, hence their demands are not met politically.
  • Inadequate statistics regarding female migrants and the treatment of male and female migrants equally
  • This leads to the creation of policies that are ill-informed regarding the requirements, drives, and circumstances of female migrants.
  • The primary target group for policies like the One Nation One ration card, e-Shram, and affordable rental housing complexes is the male migrant community.

Way Ahead:

  • Since so little is known about their socioeconomic circumstances after migration, national surveys ought to gather additional data in this area.
  • As an illustration, the PLFS shows that a very small proportion (about 7% of people) are eligible for social security benefits.
  • For the remaining population, no data is available.
  • Since India hasn’t yet made it the standard, there aren’t enough statistics on how migrants use their time.
  • Time-use statistics would greatly contribute to the current understanding of female migrants who are unemployed.
  • A shift in perspective is needed, beginning with gathering more data particular to women.
  • It will highlight the primarily anecdotal nature of the issue and raise awareness of these women’s struggles in order to support progressive policymaking.

Select Course